Transforming Elections
In 2004, approximately 120.3 million people cast a ballot for president, which, in absolute numbers, are the most to have participated in any American election.
In the popular vote, President Bush received 51% of the popular vote to Kerry's 48% and in the Electoral College the final outcome was 286 electoral votes for the President and 252 electoral votes for Kerry. Republicans not only won the White House, but they also expanded their Senate lead to 55 from 51.
In the House, Republicans added three seats and emerged with a 29-seat majority. Republican control of the White House, Senate and Congress truly mark the 2004. The 2004 is truly a transforming election marking significant Republican influence over morals, the economy, and Iraq war policies.
According to CNN, an evenly divided electorate split sharply, and in some states decisively, on age, gender, religious, racial and ideological lines.
This division reflects a growing chasm between the conservative right and the more liberal left. Bush's victory came from strong support among men, whites, Southerners, married voters, churchgoers, Protestants, gun owners, and veterans.
Bush's first term was marked by tax policies that favored the rich and significant job losses. About 80% of voters that made the economy their number one voting priority voted for Kerry. Further, respondents' views on the economy corresponded significantly with their vote. Bush won roughly 46% of the voters who called the current economic situation "excellent" or "good," while Kerry did equally well among those who identified it as "not good" or "poor." Poorer Americans, those making $50,000 or less gave 56% of their vote to Kerry while wealthier individuals backed Bush.
Although the war in Iraq ranked number three in voting priorities, Bush received the strongest support for his agenda. A majority of votes believed Bush's claims that the war in Iraq is a part…
Having grown up in an era where sex-based discrimination was legal, they understand how easy it would be to return to that era. This has led to a characterization of second-wave feminists as somehow militant, a label that even third-wave feminists might apply to them. Looking at the 2008 Democrat presidential primaries, the conflict between second and third wave feminists became apparent. Many second-wave feminists felt that it was a
" (Walsh, Best, and Rai 133) Neither does the article pay sufficient attention to the motivational aspects that led Walensa to enter the Solidarity movement, and the reason for the rejection of communism. For example, the important aspect that personally motivated Walensa was not so much any intellectual disagreement with communism - in fact he virtually ignored the student protests of 1968, which he felt was "... A problem for the
This, of course, would represent one aspect of the resentment served to Salinas. The other aspect would be the significant impact of the economic crisis and the continued devaluation of the Peso. These things reflected on the ineptitude of a party seldom challenged as it should have been. To most, the failures effecting the whole of the nation had marked the need for a hastening of democratic reform, which would
This includes putting in place international legal systems, dispute resolution mechanisms as well as cooperative arrangements.14 The call this approach social peace-building or structural peace-building. Such peace-building involves "creating structures -- systems of behavior, institutions, concerted actions -- that support the embodiment or implementation of a peace culture."15 This is what the author's call multi-track diplomacy. It involves individuals who are not normally involved in the peace process, particularly business
Furthermore, voter turnout for election 2004 exceeded voter turnout for 2000 by approximately 8%. However, many of those voters can be attributed to efforts of special interest groups, which appealed to voters in the extremes of both parties. If the Democrats plan to win future elections, they have to capture undecided voters in the swing states. The Democrats are not going to win the votes of the undecided by
In this sense, it is not simply a matter of theoretical approach, but also one that is accompanied by data. More precisely, for instance, in the 1960s, when, as stated previously, the afflux of the development aid had not been significant, the real GDP per capita was $1,049. Compared to the 1990s when the development aid was more consistent, the real GDP per capita fell to $1,016 and in
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